Rethinking International Relations

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Syntax Advanced Search. About us. Editorial team. Samuel Barkin. Cambridge University Press Realism and constructivism, two key contemporary theoretical approaches to the study of international relations, are commonly taught as mutually exclusive ways of understanding the subject. Realist Constructivism explores the common ground between the two, and demonstrates that, rather than being in simple opposition, they have areas of both tension and overlap.

There is indeed space to engage in a realist constructivism. But at the same time, there are important distinctions between them, and there remains a need for a constructivism that is not realist, and a realism that is not constructivist.

ISBN 13: 9780521198714

Samuel Barkin argues more broadly for a different way of thinking about theories of international relations, that focuses on the corresponding elements within various approaches rather than on a small set of mutually exclusive paradigms. Realist Constructivism provides an interesting new way for scholars and students to think about international relations theory. International Order in Social and Political Philosophy. Edit this record. Mark as duplicate.

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International Relations 101 (#37): The Rise of China

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Setup an account with your affiliations in order to access resources via your University's proxy server Configure custom proxy use this if your affiliation does not provide a proxy. First, I clear the conceptual ground for studying anti-colonial populism in the post-independence foreign policies of states in the Global South. I delineate anti-colonial populism as organized around a critique of unfinished decolonization that shapes both the domestic social coalition of anti-colonial leaders and also their international re alignments.

Making intra-regional and longitudinal comparisons, I proceed to historically flesh out an anti-colonial populist foreign policy as a type by focusing on three charismatic and authoritarian anti-colonial populists from Southeast Asia spanning the 20th and 21st centuries. I will ask what these ultimately tragic efforts to respond to intensifying pressures of Great Power competition during the Cold War might suggest about the fate of dramatic international re-alignments of the Philippines under Duterte.

Identities, Borders, Orders — University of Minnesota Press

In theory, the regional-level institutionalization of human rights in Southeast Asia had the potential to significantly advance the realisation of human rights within ASEAN states. Another possibility was that compliance with regionally-endorsed human rights norms would come to reflect the appropriate pattern of behaviour within the community of Southeast Asian states: states would come to follow a logic of appropriateness that included the domestic promotion and protection of human rights. A third possibility was that discourse connected to the creation and implementation of regional human rights institutions would encourage a process of social learning and deliberation around human rights compliance: states would eventually reorient their interests towards human rights through interaction and mutual learning.

Yet in more than a decade since the signing of the ASEAN Charter, there has been little evidence of any of these processes. It argues for a form of analytical eclecticism to account for factors such as 1 the rise of China and its increasing hard and soft power influence in Southeast Asia, together with the concurrent diminution of the moral authority of the United States and Europe; 3 internal factors such as the absence of participatory politics — genuine democracy — within most ASEAN states.

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